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In the preface to volume one, “The Gathering Storm,” of his six-volume memoir of World War II, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill recalls a conversation with U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt, in which Roosevelt asked what the war should be called. Churchill responded instantly, “the unnecessary war,” noting that it was the easiest war to stop. The world is now at war in Europe and the Middle East and at risk of escalation that could become a world war. This escalation is unnecessary and could be stopped by relearning some of the lessons that led to the Second World War.
French President Macron called a meeting of French political leaders on Friday to receive briefings on the changing and more aggressive nature of Russian hybrid attacks against European states, citing the attempted explosives-laden drone attack against Leipzig airport. Macron also announced an upcoming G7 meeting to address energy security and joint measures to address Russian airspace violations, surveillance of defense sites, maritime meddling, and sabotage and assassination operations. Macron’s concerns reflect assessments in 2026 by the intelligence services of the Baltic States as well as Sweden and Finland that Russia is planning a provocation against a NATO state in the near term. These assessments, as well as information gathered by U.S. intelligence, may have contributed to the decision by the U.S. to send CIA Director Ratcliffe to Moscow to warn President Putin against such a provocation.
Putin intends to bring the war to the U.S. The September 15 indictments of five operatives linked to a Russian intelligence network in the U.S. for conspiring to finance terrorism and orchestrate a murder-for-hire plot against a Russian dissident in the U.S. may have been a bit of a wake-up call in Washington that the type of hybrid “grey zone” operations Europe has experienced from Russian intelligence in recent years is heading to the U.S. This should come as no surprise. To Putin, the U.S. is the “main enemy,” and anything to weaken the ability or willingness of the main enemy to stay in the fight is certain to be a key part of Putin’s escalation strategy. Messaging to Moscow is important, and President Trump should no longer be under any illusions about the nature of his relationship with the Russian dictator. Putin is his enemy.
President Trump’s choice of negotiators to send to Moscow to try and reach a negotiated solution to the conflict could not have been more poorly chosen. The Kushner-Witkoff team should not have been used to deliver the message Ratcliffe delivered because they do not have the standing or credibility in Moscow’s eyes. Witkoff’s sad gushing about the history of the moment and his memories of Putin are sad and embarrassing. More importantly, though, they deliver exactly the wrong message to Putin. Putin doesn’t respect flattery from characters like Kushner and Witkoff. Putin’s choice of their principal interlocutor from the Russian side, Kirill Dmitriev—the CEO of the Russian Direct Investment Fund—shows that Putin has assessed accurately the real motivation of the Kushner-Witkoff team: business deals and money.
There is a reason for sending the CIA Director to deliver different messages. One might recall the visit of then-CIA Director Burns to Moscow in 2021 to warn Putin against again invading Ukraine. Burns clearly delivered a message based on intelligence information on Russian plans and intentions—which proved correct—and I suspect Ratcliffe delivered the same type of message based on similar intelligence. Using CIA Directors to deliver such messages is important because Putin mirror-images. He trusts information from his intelligence and security services far more than information from his Ministry of Foreign Affairs or other sources. If the information carried to Moscow comes from the CIA Director, it, by definition, has more credibility than information from any other source. This doesn’t mean Putin will heed the message, but it will reach his ear. But the key to the efficacy of messages delivered by CIA Directors is the credibility of consequences. Clearly, Putin correctly assessed that the consequences he would face from President Biden for invading Ukraine in February 2022 would be gradual and, in the end, inconsequential. He may believe the same will be the case with the Trump/Ratcliffe messaging.
If it hasn’t been clear for years, it should be absolutely clear now: Putin is all in on this war. There is no indication from Moscow of any change in Putin’s absolutist terms for ending the war. Putin cannot negotiate a peace short of capitulation by Kyiv. Ending the war short of Putin’s definition of victory risks a disgruntled army returning to Moscow, and history is not kind to Russia’s leaders in such a scenario. Perhaps as important, ending the war short of victory leaves Russia in a much worse strategic situation with Ukraine’s emergence as the preeminent military power in central Europe. Germany and the EU are rearming. NATO membership has increased with the addition of Sweden and Finland. Russia’s economy is in tatters as a result of sanctions and Ukrainian strikes against energy, military, and military support infrastructure deep in the territory of the Russian Federation. The war cannot be hidden from the Russian people any longer. The pressure of his handling of the war may possibly be starting to take a toll on Putin himself. His performance at the Navy Day celebration in St. Petersburg this July, where for the second consecutive year the parade of warships was cancelled and Putin’s appearance was indoors in front of a poster of a Russian submarine, was widely ridiculed. The city was essentially on lockdown for security reasons. Putin followed the widely ridiculed appearance in St. Petersburg with a highly staged visit to Russia’s Far East that was received locally with widespread cynicism but included a first visit to Iturup Island, triggering strong criticism from Japan but serving as a symbol of Putin’s determination to keep and increase the boundaries of the Russian Federation.
Putin’s determination and perhaps conviction that he is on a path to victory belies objective analysis of the war against Ukraine and Russia’s economic and strategic situation. Putin’s determination is likely reinforced by the approach the Trump Administration has taken, accommodating Moscow and putting pressure on the victim. This may be starting to change, and perhaps President Trump is starting to realize that Putin is his enemy, the enemy of the United States and the West, and a supporter of Iran—currently engaged in active military activity to kill Americans and wreck energy markets (among other markets) to undermine Western economies.
Trump signed the long-delayed sanctions legislation sponsored by the late Senator Lindsey Graham. This legislation allows for primary and secondary sanctions on Russia and other countries by allowing tariffs on the largest importers of Russian crude oil or gas and the top five countries that aid Russia’s energy sanctions evasion. There has been a suggestion that officials in the Trump Administration are trying to create more incentives for members of the Russian elite to seek peace. If true, this is an interesting change in the Administration’s approach, which has thus far been to ingratiate itself to Putin. Putin seems highly resistant to pressure from outside the Russian Federation, and there is no level of economic hardship or war casualties Putin is unwilling to inflict on the docile Russian population. His latitude to resist pressure from disenfranchised or recently relatively impoverished Russian elites may be less so.
There is a path to making the coming war unnecessary. The key to the problem is Putin. He is at the center of the spider’s web of the cabal acting against the free world. Iran, its surrogates, principally the Houthis at the moment, China, and North Korea are key pieces in Putin’s architecture of disruption. To destroy this architecture, you have to destroy its architect. Defeat Putin in Ukraine, and Iran’s position in the Middle East will surely erode, and a powerful message will have been sent to Chinese President Xi to keep his hands off Taiwan.
Unlike Churchill and Roosevelt at the onset of World War II, the free world has a valiant and effective military partner eroding Putin’s power: Ukraine. Therefore, the first step in deterring the coming unnecessary war is to provide Ukraine the military and financial support it needs to win. This starts with air defense to protect against Putin’s increasing use of modified drones and ballistic missiles to target Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and civilians in an attempt to erode Ukrainian willingness to resist—a problem which could become more acute as winter approaches.
Secondly, Ukraine should be encouraged to continue its effective targeting of Russian energy, economic, and military infrastructure, which is helping to erode support within Russia for Putin’s regime and his war of aggression. Ukraine should be encouraged and given the support it needs to continue its current offensive northeast of Lyman in the Donetsk Oblast. Ukraine should be encouraged to engage in operations to liberate Crimea, which is the jewel in the crown of Putin’s territorial “achievements.”
It would be well worth the effort of the U.S. and the West to put pressure on Russia’s periphery, starting with enhancing support for pro-Western elements in the Republic of Georgia—long an outlier of Western support in the Caucasus and itself a victim of Putin’s aggression in August 2008 and currently under pressure from pro-Russian elements supported by Russia’s intelligence services. The U.S. decision to deploy forces to Poland and NATO’s decision to deploy more forces to the Baltic States are another useful way to stretch Putin’s resources and pressure him.
The lessons of history are clear: appeasement of aggression brings more aggression. Strength and resolve are the key to avoiding unnecessary wars. It is time the Trump Administration learned history.
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